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Masora

The curious case of 1 Chronicles 10:1

From BHK to BHS and Back to the Codices

Abstract

The opening verse of 1 Chronicles 10 presents a minor but instructive discrepancy in the transmission of the Tiberian accentuation. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS) prints two adjacent occurrences of Atnaḥ in the sequence בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֑נָס, whereas earlier editions of Biblia Hebraica, several modern Masoretic editions, Miqraʾ ʿal pi ha-Masora (MAM), and direct evidence from Codex Leningradensis support בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס, with Mahapakh on וַיָּנָס. The error was subsequently reproduced in some electronic Hebrew texts before being corrected through renewed consultation of the Leningrad manuscript. This note traces the reading through printed editions, manuscript evidence, and the digital textual tradition, while identifying an unresolved bibliographical question concerning the first 1975 BHS fascicle of Chronicles.

1. The Problem

The opening of 1 Chronicles 10:1 in Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia reads:

וּפְלִשְׁתִּ֖ים נִלְחֲמ֣וּ בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֑נָס אִֽישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵל֙

The sequence relevant to the present discussion is:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֑נָס

BHS thus places Atnaḥ (אַתְנָח) both on בְיִשְׂרָאֵל and on the immediately following וַיָּנָס. The reading is conspicuous from the standpoint of the normal hierarchy of the Tiberian prose accents. Atnaḥ is one of the principal disjunctives of the verse, whereas Mahapakh (מְהֻפָּךְ; also transcribed mahapakh, mehuppach, etc.) normally functions as a conjunctive.[1]

The accentual anomaly by itself would warrant investigation, but it does not constitute sufficient evidence for emendation. The more important question is documentary: what do the relevant textual witnesses actually read?

The alternative form, found in numerous other editions, is:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס

The difference is very small graphically, but its history proves unexpectedly interesting.

2. BHK before the Stuttgartensia

Rudolf Kittel’s first Biblia Hebraica, published in 1906, prints:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס

with Atnaḥ on בְיִשְׂרָאֵל and Mahapakh on וַיָּנָס.[2]

[Figure 1. BHK, 1906, p. 1241: 1 Chr 10:1.]

The evidential significance of this edition must be qualified, however. Kittel’s first and second editions did not reproduce Codex Leningradensis as their base text. They used the received Masoretic text represented by the second Rabbinic Bible of Jacob ben Ḥayyim, published by Daniel Bomberg in 1524–25. It was only with the thoroughly revised third edition, completed in 1937, that the Biblia Hebraica adopted Codex Leningradensis B19A as its base manuscript. (Die Bibel)

The 1937 edition is therefore considerably more important for the present question. If the second Atnaḥ reflected Leningrad, one might expect it to appear when the Biblia Hebraica first changed its base text to that manuscript.

It does not.

BHK3 reads:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס.[3]

[Figure 2. BHK3, 1937, p. 1345.]

The significance of this observation is straightforward: the second Atnaḥ did not enter the Biblia Hebraica tradition as a consequence of the 1937 adoption of Codex Leningradensis. The first Leningrad-based BHK prints Mahapakh.

A 1954 BHK reprint that I also examined preserves the same reading:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס.[4]

[Figure 3. BHK, 1954: 1 Chr 10:1.]

This is consistent with the history of BHK3’s typesetting. The German Bible Society notes that the BHK3 setting could subsequently be altered only to a limited extent and that later reprints based on it continued into the mid-1970s. (Die Bibel)

The same reading is found in a considerably broader range of Hebrew Bible editions that I consulted, including editions associated with Letteris, Ginsburg, Snaith, Koren, Breuer, ArtScroll, Dotan, JPS, and the Jerusalem Crown.[5] These editions are, of course, neither textually independent of one another in every respect nor witnesses of equal weight. Their agreement should therefore not be treated as a simple numerical vote. Nevertheless, they demonstrate how widespread and stable the Mahapakh reading has been in the printed Masoretic tradition.

3. The Change in BHS

The 1977 one-volume Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia presents a different reading:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֑נָס.[6]

[Figure 4. BHS, 1977, p. 1480.]

The second Mahapakh of the earlier BHK tradition has become an Atnaḥ.

This is more significant than an ordinary difference between two printed Hebrew Bibles. BHS, like BHK3, was intended as a diplomatic presentation of Codex Leningradensis. The German Bible Society describes BHS as having been prepared between 1967 and 1977 and states that its Masoretic text is reproduced from the Leningrad Codex. (Die Bibel)

The question is therefore not whether BHS follows a different editorial theory of accentuation, but whether its second Atnaḥ actually represents what is written in its base manuscript.

It does not.

4. Codex Leningradensis

The most decisive evidence comes from renewed examination of Leningrad itself.

The UXLC change record contains an entry for 1 Chronicles 10:1.4, dated 22 February 2021 and supplied by Stephen Salisbury of the Groves Center. The note states:

“Change the etnachta on the yod to a mahapakh.”

The manuscript location is given as folio 333B, column 2, line 7, and the correction is displayed explicitly as:

וַיָּ֑נָס → וַיָּ֤נָס.[7]

The change log further identifies this group of corrections as having been provided from WLCU 4.22. (Tanach)

This is particularly strong evidence because the correction does not depend upon another printed edition. It represents a renewed transcriptional judgment based upon the manuscript itself.

Codex Leningradensis therefore supports:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס

and not the double-Atnaḥ reading of BHS.

The 2021 date should be interpreted carefully. It securely dates the UXLC record and incorporation of the correction; it should not automatically be taken as proof that the Groves Center first discovered or adopted the correction on that exact date. The underlying WLCU 4.22 data may have its own editorial history.

That qualification notwithstanding, the textual result is unambiguous: BHS does not accurately reproduce Leningrad at this point.

5. The Aleppo Codex and MAM

The Aleppo Codex provides an important independent control.

Chronicles survives complete in Aleppo. The documentation for Miqraʾ ʿal pi ha-Masora explicitly states that, where the Aleppo Codex survives in the Prophets and Writings, the edition bases its consonantal text, vocalization, accents, and related details directly upon it. For Chronicles specifically, MAM states that the book is complete in Aleppo and that its edition is based upon it, though Leningrad is also checked at numerous locations. (Wikisource)

MAM prints 1 Chronicles 10:1:

וּפְלִשְׁתִּ֖ים נִלְחֲמ֣וּ בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נׇס אִֽישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵל֙ …[8] (Wikisource)

Again, the accent on וַיָּנָס is Mahapakh.

Inspection of the Aleppo photographs adds an interesting codicological detail. First Chronicles 10:1 falls across the transition between folios 211a and 211b. MAM’s Aleppo index assigns 1 Chr 9:13–10:1 to 211a and 1 Chr 10:1–11:11 to 211b. (Wikisource)

Thus the two words at issue are effectively separated by the folio transition.

[Figure 5a. Aleppo Codex, fol. 211a: …נלחמו בישראל.]

[Figure 5b. Aleppo Codex, fol. 211b: וינס איש ישראל….]

The photographed sign on the continuation is considerably fainter than one would wish for independent palaeographical analysis from a reproduction alone. Accordingly, the most prudent formulation is that the photograph is consistent with, while MAM’s direct transcription explicitly gives, Mahapakh. MAM does not treat 1 Chronicles 10:1 as an exceptional or doubtful case in its documentation of the surviving Aleppo text.

The evidence from the two principal Tiberian codices therefore converges:

WitnessAccent on וַיָּנָס
Aleppo Codex as represented by MAMMahapakh ֤
Codex LeningradensisMahapakh ֤
BHK 1906Mahapakh ֤
BHK3 1937Mahapakh ֤
BHK reprint, 1954Mahapakh ֤
Breuer, Dotan, Koren, Jerusalem Crown, etc.Mahapakh ֤
BHS 1977Atnaḥ ֑

This distribution makes it very difficult to regard the BHS form as evidence for a competing Masoretic accentual tradition. The most economical explanation is that the second Atnaḥ in BHS arose as a transcriptional, editorial, or typographical error in the production history of that edition.

6. Accentual Considerations

The accentual syntax independently supports the manuscript evidence.

The opening of the verse may be represented:

וּפְלִשְׁתִּ֖ים נִלְחֲמ֣וּ בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל | וַיָּ֤נָס אִֽישׁ־יִשְׂרָאֵל֙ …

Atnaḥ effects the major internal division after בְיִשְׂרָאֵל. The clause beginning with וַיָּנָס then belongs to the second principal portion of the verse, and Mahapakh serves conjunctively within the ensuing accentual structure.[9]

By contrast,

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֑נָס

places another principal disjunctive immediately after the first and does not correspond to the normal hierarchical analysis of the verse.

This observation should remain secondary to the manuscript evidence. One should not “correct” a manuscript merely because its accentuation appears unusual. In the present case, however, accentual syntax and documentary evidence point in the same direction.

7. Transmission into Electronic Hebrew Texts

The case becomes especially instructive in the history of electronic editions.

An older Westminster text—Westminster Hebrew Morphology 4.18, as preserved in the Logos resource examined during this study—still displays:

וַיָּ֑נָס

That is, the electronic text reproduces the BHS reading.

The current Accordance module Hebrew Bible Tagged (Leningrad Codex), by contrast, identifies its underlying text as Groves-Wheeler Westminster Hebrew Morphology 4.22 and displays Mahapakh at 1 Chronicles 10:1:

וַיָּ֤נָס

Accordance describes the current 4.22-based module as including documented divergences from BHS and BHQ “in favor of the manuscript.” (Accordance)

[Figure 6. Westminster 4.18 in Logos and Westminster 4.22 in Accordance.]

The UXLC change record supplies the documentary bridge between these forms: the older וַיָּ֑נָס is explicitly replaced with וַיָּ֤נָס after consultation of Leningrad. (Tanach)

This provides a useful caution regarding digital nomenclature. A resource labelled “Leningrad Codex” need not represent a wholly fresh transcription of every graphic feature of the manuscript. Electronic texts possess their own transmission histories. They inherit earlier transcriptions, editorial judgments, and occasionally errors; those data may subsequently be corrected as manuscripts are re-collated.

The history at 1 Chronicles 10:1 may therefore be schematized:

Leningrad → BHK3 correctly transcribed → BHS error → older electronic descendants → renewed manuscript collation → corrected electronic text.

That sequence should not be understood as implying that every electronic text passed through precisely the same pipeline, but it describes the documentary relationship evident in the witnesses examined here.

8. The Remaining Bibliographical Question

The textual question is, in my judgment, essentially settled. The bibliographical question is not.

We can presently establish two secure chronological points:

1954 BHK: וַיָּ֤נָס

1977 BHS: וַיָּ֑נָס

The error therefore entered the Biblia Hebraica tradition somewhere between the later BHK reprints and the completed BHS.

The most important missing witness is the independently published BHS fascicle of Chronicles. The Society for Old Testament Study’s 1976 Book List records:

Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. Editio Funditus Renovata. Ed. K. Elliger and W. Rudolph. Fasc. 15. Liber Chronicorum, praeparavit W. Rudolph. 1975. Pp. x, 116.

(The Society for Old Testament Study)

Library catalogues also distinguish the 1975 Liber Chronicorum from an editio secunda emendata, prepared through the work of W. Rudolph and H. P. Rüger.[10] (NIIGATA University)

That creates a particularly interesting test.

If the original 1975 fascicle already reads:

וַיָּ֑נָס

then the error was introduced during the original preparation of the BHS text of Chronicles.

If the first issue instead reads:

וַיָּ֤נָס

while the editio secunda emendata or the completed 1977 BHS reads Atnaḥ, then the error must have entered during a later stage of revision or production.

Until the relevant page of the original 1975 fascicle can be examined, the precise point of entry remains unknown.

This distinction is important methodologically. We can identify the BHS reading as erroneous without pretending that we have yet reconstructed every stage by which the error arose.

9. Conclusion: Ad fontes

The accentuation of one word in 1 Chronicles 10:1 provides a compact case study in the relationships among manuscripts, printed critical editions, and electronic biblical texts.

No consonantal variant is involved. No difference in lexical meaning is at stake. The translation of the verse is unaffected. The problem concerns a single cantillation sign.

Yet this very small discrepancy illustrates several principles of broader significance.

A diplomatic edition, however carefully prepared, remains a human transcription of a manuscript. The statement that BHS is “based on Codex Leningradensis” does not entail that every sign in BHS must therefore be present in Leningrad. At 1 Chronicles 10:1, direct manuscript evidence demonstrates otherwise.

Nor does the title of an electronic resource guarantee that every detail has been freshly transcribed from the named manuscript. Digital texts, like printed ones, have genealogies. They may preserve errors from earlier stages and may subsequently be corrected through renewed collation.

In the present case the investigation moved successively from a modern critical edition, through earlier printed editions, through electronic transcriptions, and ultimately back to the medieval codices themselves.

The result is clear:

בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נָס

Atnaḥ on בְיִשְׂרָאֵל; Mahapakh on וַיָּנָס.

The historical question of precisely when the erroneous second Atnaḥ entered BHS remains to be answered. But the textual question illustrates in miniature the principle from which this blog takes its name:

Ad fontes—back to the sources.


Notes

[1] On the structure and hierarchy of the Tiberian accents, see William Wickes, Two Treatises on the Accentuation of the Old Testament: On Psalms, Proverbs, and Job; On the Twenty-One Prose Books (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887); and Israel Yeivin, Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah, trans. and ed. E. J. Revell, Masoretic Studies 5 (Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1980). Terminology varies considerably in English-language literature: אַתְנָח may appear as atnaḥ, athnach, or etnaḥta, and מְהֻפָּךְ as mahapakh, mahpak, or mehuppach. I use Atnaḥ and Mahapakh here except when quoting another source.

[2] Rudolf Kittel, ed., Biblia Hebraica, 2 vols. (Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1906), 2:1241. The German Bible Society confirms both the 1906 publication and the use of the Ben Ḥayyim textus receptus as the base of the first edition. (Die Bibel)

[3] Rudolf Kittel, ed., Biblia Hebraica, 3rd ed., completed by A. Alt and O. Eissfeldt, Masoretic text prepared by P. Kahle (Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1937), 1345. On BHK3’s adoption of Codex Leningradensis and its diplomatic editorial principle, see the historical account of the Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. (Die Bibel)

[4] Biblia Hebraica (Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1954), 1 Chr 10:1. The copy examined is a later BHK reprint derived from the BHK3 tradition. The precise numbering of the postwar BHK impressions should be cited from the title page of the individual copy rather than inferred merely from its date.

[5] Editions consulted in addition to BHK include: Meir Letteris, Hebrew Bible (London, 1852), 1290; Christian D. Ginsburg, Hebrew Bible (London, 1894; later reprint), 1698; Norman H. Snaith, ed., Hebrew Bible (London, 1958), 1274; Koren Tanakh (Jerusalem, 1966); Mordechai Breuer, Tanakh (Jerusalem, 1989); ArtScroll Tanach (Brooklyn, 1996), 1898; Aron Dotan, Biblia Hebraica Leningradensia (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2001), 1146; JPS Hebrew-English Tanakh, 2nd ed. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 2004), 1911; and Jerusalem Crown (Jerusalem, 2004), 819. These witnesses have different editorial genealogies and are therefore cited as corroborating evidence rather than treated as nine independent manuscript witnesses.

[6] Karl Elliger and Wilhelm Rudolph, eds., Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 1977), 1480. The Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft describes BHS as a 1967–1977 revision and as a diplomatic edition reproducing the Masoretic text of Codex Leningradensis. (Die Bibel)

[7] “Changes Made from UXLC 1.1 to UXLC 1.2,” entry 2021.02.22–27, 1 Chr 10:1.4, UXLC / tanach.us. The entry gives “Folio_333B Column: 2 Line: 7,” identifies Stephen Salisbury as the contributor, and explicitly changes וַיָּ֑נָס to וַיָּ֤נָס. (Tanach)

[8] Miqraʾ ʿal pi ha-Masora (MAM), 1 Chr 10:1, Hebrew Wikisource. The accented text reads בְיִשְׂרָאֵ֑ל וַיָּ֤נׇס. (Wikisource) On MAM’s use of the Aleppo Codex for the surviving Prophets and Writings, see its methodological introduction. (Wikisource)

[9] See Wickes, Two Treatises, and Yeivin, Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah. The accentual argument here is corroborative rather than constitutive: the manuscript evidence establishes the reading independently of theoretical expectations regarding accent hierarchy.

[10] Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, fasc. 15, Liber Chronicorum, praeparavit W. Rudolph (Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1975), x + 116 pp. The original issue is independently catalogued, while a parallel catalogue record identifies an Editio secunda emendata / opera W. Rudolph et H. P. Rüger. (The Society for Old Testament Study)


Selected Bibliography

Elliger, Karl, and Wilhelm Rudolph, eds. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 1977.

Kittel, Rudolf, ed. Biblia Hebraica. 2 vols. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs, 1906.

Kittel, Rudolf, ed. Biblia Hebraica. 3rd ed. Masoretic text prepared by Paul Kahle; edition completed by Albrecht Alt and Otto Eissfeldt. Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1937.

Rudolph, Wilhelm, ed. Liber Chronicorum. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia, fasc. 15. Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt, 1975.

Dotan, Aron. Biblia Hebraica Leningradensia. Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2001.

Wickes, William. Two Treatises on the Accentuation of the Old Testament: On Psalms, Proverbs, and Job; On the Twenty-One Prose Books. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1887.

Yeivin, Israel. Introduction to the Tiberian Masorah. Translated and edited by E. J. Revell. Masoretic Studies 5. Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1980.

Miqraʾ ʿal pi ha-Masora. Hebrew Wikisource. Especially 1 Chronicles 10:1 and the methodological introduction concerning the Aleppo Codex. (Wikisource)

“Changes Made from UXLC 1.1 to UXLC 1.2.” UXLC / tanach.us. Especially entry 2021.02.22–27, 1 Chronicles 10:1.4. (Tanach)

Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. “Die Biblia Hebraica von Rudolf Kittel (BHK)” and “Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia.” (Die Bibel)

Miqra According to the Masorah: Manuscripts, Masorah, and the Editing of the Masoretic Text

Introduction

What exactly do we mean when we speak of “the Masoretic Text” of the Hebrew Bible?

The phrase can easily suggest that there exists—or once existed—a single manuscript called the Masoretic Text, from which modern editions simply reproduce the consonants, vowels, and accents. In actual scholarly usage, “Masoretic Text” can refer in somewhat different ways to the received Hebrew textual tradition, to its Tiberian form, or to particular medieval witnesses that transmit it. No single surviving codex, however, is simply identical with the Masoretic tradition as a whole.

For the purposes of Miqra According to the Masorah (Miqra ʿal pi ha-Masorah, מקרא על פי המסורה), commonly abbreviated MAM, the Masoretic Text is best approached as the mature product of a tradition of textual and oral transmission. This conception reflects above all the research and editorial work of Seth (Avi) Kadish, the principal scholar behind MAM and its extensive Introduction. Kadish and Ben Denckla present many aspects of this conception together in their jointly authored Ḥakirah article, but Denckla has emphasized that the great majority of the underlying research in MAM, its Introduction, and that article is Kadish’s work.[25]

Denckla’s contribution to MAM has been concentrated primarily in its computational development during roughly the past six years: programming, data processing, and computational analyses that have at times revealed places requiring correction or refinement. He has also contributed to particular scholarly questions, including aspects of the Introduction’s treatment of the secondary merkha in the poetic accentuation system, and has helped sharpen the conception of MAM as a dataset that can have editions, rather than simply being a single edition.[25]

In the account developed by Kadish and presented in MAM and the joint Ḥakirah article, the Masoretic tradition includes the consonantal text copied by scribes, the vocalization and accentuation that give written expression to the received reading, textual divisions and poetic arrangement, and the extensive body of Masoretic notes intended to describe, regulate, and safeguard the text.[1]

This conception is important because MAM is not simply a transcription of a medieval manuscript. It describes itself as an open digital reader’s edition, based primarily on the Aleppo Codex and related manuscripts and accompanied by unusually extensive documentation of its editorial decisions.[2]

The difference may be expressed in terms of editorial purpose. A strictly diplomatic edition asks:

What is written in this particular manuscript?

MAM asks a broader question:

What form of the mature Masoretic written-and-reading tradition is best supported by the Aleppo Codex, related manuscripts, the Masorah, and the history of transmission—and how can that tradition be represented clearly for modern readers?

These questions frequently produce the same result. But they are not identical. The distinction explains why MAM can depart from the Leningrad Codex and, in a very small number of cases, make an editorial judgment about a physical mark in the surviving Aleppo Codex itself.

Miqra: Written Text and Reading Tradition

Kadish’s account of the transmission of the Hebrew Bible distinguishes between two parallel but interacting traditions: the tradition of the scribes and the tradition of the readers. Kadish and Denckla present this framework in their jointly authored Ḥakirah article.[3]

The scribal tradition concerned the written form of the biblical books: consonantal letters, orthography, word division, sections, and other features proper to written scrolls.

The reading tradition concerned the vocal realization of that text: pronunciation, vowels, stress, cantillation, and related features conveyed by trained readers.

The Masoretic codex brought these traditions together. A consonantal text representing the scribal tradition could be supplied with graphic signs that recorded aspects of an inherited oral reading tradition, together with notes describing exceptional or easily corrupted details.

This is central to Kadish’s interpretation of the word miqra itself, presented jointly with Denckla in their Ḥakirah article. The ancient sense of the Hebrew root q-r-ʾ, they argue, involved calling out or vocalizing a text rather than merely inspecting it silently. Whatever qualifications may be required in a broader history of ancient reading practices, their point for the Masoretic project is clear: biblical miqra cannot be reduced to consonants alone. It involves the received way in which those consonants are read.[4]

MAM therefore concerns itself not only with letters but also with niqqud, teʿamim, gaʿayot or meteg, textual divisions, poetic layout, qere and ketiv phenomena, and other details relevant to the reading tradition.

From this perspective, the mature Tiberian Masoretic text is not simply a sequence of consonants. It is a highly structured system in which written text, reading tradition, and Masoretic description interact.

The Aleppo Codex as MAM’s Principal Witness

Where the Aleppo Codex survives, it is MAM’s principal manuscript witness for the Prophets and Writings.

Its importance is not merely a consequence of its fame. The surviving codex exhibits an extraordinary level of consistency and sophistication in its consonantal text, vocalization, accentuation, and Masorah. Israel Yeivin’s foundational study documented its system of vocalization and accentuation in extraordinary detail, while Mordecai Breuer showed how the regularity of the surviving portions could be used, together with independent Masoretic evidence, to reconstruct much of what has been lost.[5]

MAM states its policy directly: where the Aleppo Codex is extant in the Prophets and Writings, the edition bases its paragraph divisions and poetic forms, letters and words, vocalization, accents, and gaʿayot upon the codex.[6]

This does not mean that MAM assumes every physical mark in Aleppo to be incapable of error.

MAM’s documentation notes that, among more than a million relevant letters and signs in the surviving portions of the Prophets and Writings, fewer than two hundred places require comment concerning the establishment of a particular sign or reading. Only some of those require an actual editorial judgment about an ambiguous mark or a possible error.[7]

The distinction is conceptually important:

The Aleppo Codex is an exceptionally authoritative witness to the Masoretic tradition, but the physical manuscript and the tradition to which it bears witness are not logically identical.

Even an outstanding scribe or Masorete could occasionally omit a point, misplace a sign, or leave an ambiguous form. Recognizing such a possibility does not diminish the codex’s authority; rather, it distinguishes the historical artifact from the textual and reading tradition it was intended to preserve.

Why Not Simply Use the Leningrad Codex?

The Leningrad Codex is indispensable to modern biblical scholarship. Produced in the early eleventh century, it is the oldest complete surviving codex of the Hebrew Bible in the Tiberian Masoretic tradition. Paul Kahle used it as the manuscript base for the third edition of Biblia Hebraica; it subsequently underlay Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia and the Leningrad-based Biblia Hebraica Quinta project.[8]

It has also stood behind many modern electronic Hebrew Bible texts.

For many purposes this is entirely appropriate. If the editorial objective is to reproduce the text of Leningrad B19a, the manuscript itself should naturally govern the edition.

MAM has a different objective.

A manuscript can contain a copying error or anomalous spelling. More significantly for the present discussion, the biblical text in the main column of a Masoretic codex can sometimes conflict with the Masoretic notes attached to that same manuscript.

In such a case, mechanically reproducing the biblical column may preserve the error of a particular scribe rather than the form of the text described by the Masoretic apparatus surrounding it.

This is one reason the Masorah matters.

Yosef Ofer has memorably described one function of the Masoretic apparatus as analogous to an “error correcting code.” Through lists, counts, classifications, and observations about exceptional forms, the Masorah could expose an erroneous spelling or other defect even when that defect had entered the biblical text of an otherwise excellent manuscript.[9]

The text in the main column and the Masoretic notes surrounding it are therefore related bodies of evidence, but they need not agree in every instance.

Where Aleppo Is Missing

Large portions of the Aleppo Codex are no longer extant, including almost the entire Torah and substantial portions elsewhere.

MAM therefore cannot simply “follow Aleppo” throughout the Bible.

For the portions of the Prophets and Writings where Aleppo is missing, MAM takes the Leningrad Codex as its base text or point of departure, but it does not accept Leningrad mechanically. The consonantal text is evaluated in light of the Masorah and related Tiberian manuscripts, while anomalies in such areas as vocalization and accentuation may be corrected toward the system established by the surviving Aleppo Codex.[10]

Leningrad is particularly valuable for vocalization because its system is remarkably close to that of Aleppo. The relevant scholarship, summarized in the jointly authored Ḥakirah article, shows that when Leningrad is used critically it provides a strong basis for reconstructing the vocalization of Aleppo’s missing portions. Its occasional anomalies are often identifiable precisely because they stand against the greater regularity visible in Aleppo and related Tiberian sources.[11]

The procedure is therefore comparative rather than simply substitutive. Depending upon the feature being reconstructed, relevant evidence may include the Leningrad Codex, Masoretic notes, related Tiberian manuscripts, testimony concerning the lost portions of Aleppo, patterns visible in Aleppo’s surviving portions, and the reconstructional work of scholars such as Yeivin, Breuer, Jordan Penkower, and Yosef Ofer.

This approach owes a great deal to Mordecai Breuer.

Breuer argued that the text associated with the Aleppo Codex could often be reconstructed with a very high degree of confidence by comparing independent Masoretic witnesses and identifying the reading toward which their evidence converged. Reconstruction, in this sense, is not simply a matter of choosing a “second-best manuscript” when Aleppo is unavailable. It attempts to recover the underlying Masoretic form through the convergence of multiple kinds of evidence.[12]

MAM works broadly within this reconstructional tradition, while documenting its own decisions independently.

The Torah Presents a Special Problem

The Torah requires special treatment because almost its entire text is missing from the Aleppo Codex.

MAM therefore distinguishes carefully between the evidence used for the consonantal text and the evidence used for vocalization and accentuation.

For the Torah, MAM states that its letter-text and section divisions are determined from Torah scrolls, while its orthography follows the Yemenite Torah-scroll tradition. By contrast, the Leningrad Codex provides the principal base for vowels, accents, and gaʿayot, subject to corrections intended to bring anomalous readings into conformity with the Masoretic system represented by Aleppo and related evidence.[13]

This policy requires careful interpretation.

MAM is not arguing that a tradition deserves priority merely because it is geographically or ethnically Yemenite. The argument is textual. Breuer’s investigations indicated that Yemenite Torah scrolls preserve an extraordinarily close correspondence to the consonantal text demanded by Masoretic evidence. Kadish’s treatment of the evidence in MAM, also summarized in the joint Ḥakirah article, accordingly regards the Yemenite scribal tradition as preserving exceptionally strong evidence for the Masoretic letter-text of the Torah.[14]

The history may be even more interesting than simple preservation.

Kadish, drawing on Breuer, Ofer, and Penkower, notes the possibility—also presented in the joint Ḥakirah article—that Yemenite scribes occasionally corrected the inherited letter-text by means of explicit Masoretic information. If so, their Torah text could in a very small number of cases preserve the Masoretic target slightly more accurately than the actual spelling once written in the Aleppo Codex itself.[15]

MAM’s own Torah documentation discusses a handful of cases in which evidence points in precisely this direction.

The governing principle is therefore not automatic fidelity to one physical manuscript. It is fidelity to the Masoretic textual tradition as reconstructed from the available evidence.

The Approximately 127 Differences between Leningrad and the Yemenite Torah Tradition

MAM’s detailed comparison of Leningrad with the Yemenite Torah-scroll tradition provides an unusually concrete illustration of this principle.

Its documentation identifies about 127 places in the Torah—one of them uncertain—where the orthography in the main biblical text of the Leningrad Codex differs from the Yemenite Torah-scroll tradition, which MAM regards in these cases as reflecting the Masoretic evidence and the dominant manuscript tradition.[16]

Even more strikingly, MAM states that in the overwhelming majority of these locations the spelling in Leningrad’s main text contradicts Masoretic notes contained in Leningrad itself.[17]

There are exceptions and complications. In a few places Leningrad’s unusual spelling receives some support from its own Masorah, and occasionally its Masoretic notes themselves are internally divided. The point is therefore not that Leningrad is careless or textually worthless. On the contrary, its Masorah remains an extremely important witness.

The significance is methodological.

“The Leningrad Codex” and “the Masoretic Text” should not simply be treated as interchangeable expressions.

Leningrad is a manuscript witness to the Masoretic tradition—an extraordinarily important one—but it remains a manuscript produced and transmitted by human agents.

Exodus 14:22: חומה or חמה?

One particularly clear example occurs in Exodus 14:22, in the account of Israel’s passage through the sea:

וְהַמַּיִם לָהֶם חוֹמָה
“and the waters were a wall for them.”

The issue is the consonantal spelling of חוֹמָה, “wall.”

MAM and the Torah-scroll tradition represented here write the word plene:

חומה

with vav.

The Leningrad Codex has the defective spelling:

חמה

without vav, vocalized חֹמָה.

MAM explicitly lists Exod 14:22 among the places where Leningrad’s spelling differs from the Torah-scroll/Masoretic form, and it marks the Leningrad form as conflicting with its own Masoretic evidence.[18]

No semantic difference depends upon the additional letter. Both spellings represent the same word and the same traditional reading.

Precisely for that reason, however, the example neatly illustrates the nature of Masoretic textual work.

If the question is:

“What consonants stand in the biblical column of Codex Leningrad at Exod 14:22?”

the answer is חמה.

If the question is:

“What spelling should an edition representing the Masoretic Torah-scroll tradition print here?”

MAM answers חומה.

Those are distinct editorial questions.

Numbers 1:17: When the Evidence Is Genuinely Divided

Not every disagreement can be classified so easily as the scribal error of a single manuscript.

Numbers 1:17 provides an important counterexample:

אֲשֶׁר נִקְּבוּ בְּשֵׁמֹת
“who were designated by name.”

MAM prints:

בְּשֵׁמֹת

without vav in the consonantal text.

This agrees with Yemenite Torah scrolls.

Leningrad instead has:

בְּשֵׁמוֹת

with vav, agreeing here with the Sephardi and Ashkenazi Torah-scroll traditions.[19]

MAM’s documentation treats this example much more cautiously than Exod 14:22.

It belongs to the small group of places where Breuer’s usual reconstructional method does not produce a wholly unambiguous result. In MAM’s discussion, these difficult cases may reflect not a simple inattentive copying error but a genuine difference between inherited traditions.[20]

That qualification matters.

MAM is an edited text, and an edited text must occasionally choose among competing forms. Its scholarly value therefore does not depend upon pretending that all uncertainty has disappeared. On the contrary, one of its strengths is its attempt to document the uncertainty and make the editorial judgment inspectable.

Breuer as Method, Not Merely Authority

It would therefore be misleading to summarize MAM’s editorial procedure as a permanent hierarchy such as:

Aleppo → Breuer → Leningrad → Yemenite manuscripts.

Breuer is not another manuscript witness.

His importance lies primarily in method: determining which kinds of evidence bear most directly upon a particular Masoretic feature and asking where independent evidence converges.

For surviving portions of the Prophets and Writings, the Aleppo Codex is the principal witness.

For reconstruction of vocalization where Aleppo is missing, Leningrad is exceptionally valuable.

For the consonantal orthography of the Torah, the received Torah-scroll tradition—and especially its Yemenite form—becomes crucial.

Masoretic notes can sometimes reveal an error in the main biblical text of a codex.

Closely related Tiberian manuscripts can confirm patterns or individual readings.

Historical testimony concerning lost portions of Aleppo can supplement the physical manuscript.

The editor’s task is therefore not to devise one immutable ranking of manuscripts but to determine which evidence is most relevant to the Masoretic feature being established.

That is one of the most important methodological legacies of Breuer’s work.

MAM Is Not a Diplomatic Edition

This distinction also explains why MAM should not be confused with projects whose primary purpose is to transcribe the Leningrad Codex—or any other single manuscript—as faithfully as possible.

A diplomatic edition preserves manuscript phenomena because those phenomena are themselves the object of study. If the exemplar contains an anomalous spelling, unusual mark, or probable scribal error, a diplomatic transcription normally has good reason to preserve it.

MAM has another objective.

It describes itself as a reader’s edition, a tiqqun qorʾim in a broad sense, and intentionally makes certain distinctions more systematic or more visually transparent than they are in individual medieval codices.[21] At the same time, it attempts to document the editorial decisions by which its text has been established.

That documentation reaches remarkably fine levels of detail. MAM provides local notes for decisions concerning letters, vowel signs, accents, and even individual occurrences of gaʿya or meteg.[22]

The underlying principle is transparency.

Any printed or digital Hebrew Bible necessarily embodies many editorial decisions: which manuscript to follow, how to normalize or preserve anomalous forms, how to encode accents, how to represent qere and ketiv, how to distinguish similar signs, and what to do when witnesses disagree. Most readers rarely see the reasoning behind those decisions.

MAM attempts to make that process open to inspection.

From Masoretic Codex to Digital Dataset

MAM’s digital form is therefore more than a convenient means of distributing a Hebrew Bible.

Here it is useful to distinguish the respective contributions of Kadish and Denckla. The textual scholarship, editorial methodology, manuscript research, and great majority of the research embodied in MAM and its Introduction are principally Kadish’s work. Denckla’s contribution during roughly the past six years has been primarily computational: writing software, structuring and processing the data, and using programmatic analysis to test the text. Such analyses have occasionally led to corrections in MAM itself.[25]

Denckla has also influenced particular aspects of the underlying scholarship. One example is the Introduction’s treatment of the relatively obscure phenomenon of the secondary merkha in the poetic accentuation system. More broadly, he has helped sharpen the conceptual distinction between MAM as a single edition and MAM as an underlying dataset capable of supporting editions.[25]

That distinction is important. A dataset is not identical with any one visual or editorial realization of it. MAM may be presented as a particular reader’s edition, but its structured digital representation can also underlie other displays and editions designed for different purposes.

The joint Ḥakirah article develops the broader claim that the mature Masoretic tradition is especially suited to representation as a structured dataset because it contains multiple interacting categories of information: written forms, vocalization, accentuation, textual structure, exceptional phenomena, and relationships among them.[23]

The claim is deliberately stronger than the assertion that digital text is convenient. An effective dataset can in some respects express the mature Masoretic product more systematically and completely than the fixed typography of an ordinary printed Bible.

A digital representation can, for example, distinguish data from presentation. The same underlying textual information can be rendered differently for a scholar, a synagogue reader, a student of cantillation, or a computer program. Features that were represented inconsistently or only sporadically in medieval manuscripts can be encoded explicitly and then displayed according to the needs of a particular edition.

MAM is therefore best understood not simply as an edition that happens to exist digitally, but as a structured body of Masoretic data from which different editions and presentations can be generated.

MAM is maintained not only as displayed text but also through structured digital resources, including spreadsheet-based data and parsed machine-readable files. Its open licensing has allowed the text to be reused and corrected cooperatively. It has been adopted as the Hebrew Tanakh text in major digital Torah-study environments, including Sefaria and AlHaTorah.[24]

This openness is consistent with Kadish’s larger conception of the Masoretic project and with the digital distinction sharpened by Denckla. Preservation is not merely the freezing of one artifact. It is an ongoing process of copying, comparing, correcting, documenting, and transmitting.

Digital technology changes the medium, but not necessarily the underlying impulse.

What, Then, Is “the Masoretic Text”?

MAM ultimately forces a useful clarification of what an editor means by “the Masoretic Text.”

The following alternatives are editorial objectives rather than mutually exclusive definitions accepted by every scholar.

If the purpose is to reproduce:

the text physically written in the Leningrad Codex,

then a diplomatic transcription of Leningrad is the appropriate kind of edition.

If the purpose is to reproduce:

the form of the Aleppo Codex wherever that manuscript survives,

then an Aleppo-based diplomatic or near-diplomatic edition is appropriate.

But if the editorial purpose is to represent:

the mature Tiberian textual and reading tradition preserved through the combined evidence of scribes, readers, Masoretes, codices, Torah scrolls, and Masoretic annotations,

then no single surviving manuscript necessarily exhausts the evidence.

MAM belongs principally to this third category.

It treats manuscripts as witnesses to a tradition, rather than simply identifying the tradition with one manuscript.

That is why a Masoretic note can occasionally outweigh the main text of Leningrad.

It is why an omitted vowel point or accent need not become normative merely because it occurs in an excellent codex.

It is why the Yemenite Torah-scroll tradition becomes particularly important when reconstructing the Torah’s consonantal spelling.

And it is why seemingly microscopic distinctions—a vav present or absent, a vowel point, an accent, a gaʿya, an open or closed section—can become editorially significant.

Such details were among the very objects that the Masoretic enterprise sought to preserve and describe.

Conclusion

The title Miqra According to the Masorah should therefore be taken seriously.

It is not Miqra According to the Leningrad Codex.

Nor, despite the extraordinary authority assigned to Aleppo, is it simply Miqra According to the Aleppo Codex.

Its governing concern is the Masorah in the broad sense of a transmitted textual and reading tradition, reconstructed and represented through the witnesses that preserve it.

A diplomatic edition of Leningrad asks:

What does Leningrad B19a contain?

Breuer’s reconstructional project asks:

What form of the Masoretic text associated with the Ben Asher/Aleppo tradition can be recovered from the surviving codex and the larger body of Masoretic evidence?

MAM adopts much of that reconstructional logic while adding a further editorial problem:

How can the complete written-and-reading tradition of the Masoretes be represented transparently and usefully in a modern digital text?

The digital form adds a further distinction. MAM is not merely one electronic edition of the Tanakh. It is also a dataset from which editions can be produced. That conception allows the underlying textual information to be separated from any single presentation of it and makes possible multiple renderings, computational analyses, and future corrections without reducing MAM to one fixed digital page.

Seen in this way, MAM embodies a particular—and explicitly articulated—theory of what it means to edit the Masoretic Text.

The Masoretic Text is not, in this conception, merely a manuscript.

It is a transmitted system: written, read, annotated, checked, corrected, and preserved across generations.

MAM is an attempt to make that system visible, usable, and inspectable in digital form.


Bibliography

Breuer, Mordecai. Keter Aram Tsovah veha-Nusaḥ ha-Mequbbal shel ha-Miqra [The Aleppo Codex and the Accepted Text of the Bible]. Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1976. Hebrew.

Denckla, Ben. “The Encoding of MAM for Sefaria.” Revised June 26, 2025.

Jerusalem Crown: The Bible of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Pentateuch, Prophets, and Writings according to the text and Masorah of the Aleppo Codex and related manuscripts, following the method of Mordecai Breuer. Scientific supervision by Yosef Ofer. Jerusalem: N. Ben-Zvi Printing Enterprises, 2000.

Kadish, Seth (Avi), and Ben Denckla. “Miqra as Oral Torah, Written Torah, and Digital Torah.” Ḥakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 36 (2025): 39–77.

Miqra According to the Masorah (מקרא על פי המסורה). Hebrew Wikisource. Continuously revised digital edition. Especially introduction, chap. 3, “Establishing the Text of the Torah”; chap. 4, “Establishing the Text of Neviʾim and Ketuvim: Places Missing in the Aleppo Codex”; chap. 5, “Establishing the Text of Neviʾim and Ketuvim: Places Extant in the Aleppo Codex”; and “About This Edition: English Abstract.” Accessed September 14, 2026.

Ofer, Yosef. The Masora on Scripture and Its Methods. Translated by Michael Glatzer. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019.

Penkower, Jordan S. Nusaḥ ha-Torah be-Keter Aram Tsovah: ʿEdut Ḥadashah [New Evidence for the Pentateuch Text in the Aleppo Codex]. Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1992. Hebrew.

Yeivin, Israel. Keter Aram Tsovah: Niqqudo u-Teʿamav [The Aleppo Codex of the Bible: A Study of Its Vocalization and Accentuation]. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1968. Hebrew.

Footnotes

  1. Seth (Avi) Kadish and Ben Denckla, “Miqra as Oral Torah, Written Torah, and Digital Torah,” Ḥakirah: The Flatbush Journal of Jewish Law and Thought 36 (2025): 39–43. The article is jointly authored; the attribution of the underlying MAM research principally to Kadish follows Denckla’s own clarification; see n. 25.
  2. Miqra According to the Masorah (hereafter MAM), “About This Edition: English Abstract,” Hebrew Wikisource, accessed September 14, 2026.
  3. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 39–47. The framework is presented jointly in the article; on the division of research responsibility, see n. 25.
  4. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 40–44. Their argument connects the older sense of q-r-ʾ as “calling out” with the professional and communal role of the reader (qoreʾ). Their broader statement concerning the absence of silent reading as an independent cultural activity should be understood as part of their historical framing rather than as a premise required by MAM’s editorial method.
  5. Israel Yeivin, Keter Aram Tsovah: Niqqudo u-Teʿamav [The Aleppo Codex of the Bible: A Study of Its Vocalization and Accentuation] (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University, 1968), Hebrew; Mordecai Breuer, Keter Aram Tsovah veha-Nusaḥ ha-Mequbbal shel ha-Miqra [The Aleppo Codex and the Accepted Text of the Bible] (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1976), Hebrew. See also Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 52–56.
  6. MAM, “Establishing the Text of Neviʾim and Ketuvim: Places Extant in the Aleppo Codex,” introduction, chap. 5, Hebrew Wikisource, accessed September 14, 2026.
  7. MAM, “Places Extant in the Aleppo Codex,” chap. 5. MAM describes fewer than two hundred locations, out of more than a million relevant letters and signs, as requiring comment in connection with establishing a particular sign; only a portion of these involve a genuine editorial decision.
  8. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 54–55. On the relationship between Leningrad, BHK3, BHS, and BHQ, see esp. 55 and n. 34.
  9. Yosef Ofer, The Masora on Scripture and Its Methods, trans. Michael Glatzer (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019), 108–30, esp. chap. 7, “The Masora on Scripture as an ‘Error Correcting Code.’”
  10. MAM, “Establishing the Text of Neviʾim and Ketuvim: Places Missing in the Aleppo Codex,” introduction, chap. 4, Hebrew Wikisource, accessed September 14, 2026. The chapter summarizes the missing portions as based on Leningrad while describing the consonantal reconstruction as proceeding through the Masorah and the majority evidence of relevant Tiberian manuscripts.
  11. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 55 n. 34; see also Breuer, Keter Aram Tsovah, 46–51, 67, 91–94.
  12. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 55–56; Breuer, Keter Aram Tsovah, 46–51, 67, 91–94.
  13. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” introduction, chap. 3, Hebrew Wikisource, accessed September 14, 2026. MAM states explicitly that the Torah’s letters and section divisions are determined according to Torah scrolls, its orthography according to Yemenite scrolls, and its vocalization, accents, and gaʿayot from a Leningrad base subject to correction.
  14. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 52–53; Breuer, Keter Aram Tsovah, 87–89. The joint article presents this conclusion; the underlying MAM research is principally Kadish’s according to Denckla’s clarification.
  15. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 53 n. 29; Jordan S. Penkower, Nusaḥ ha-Torah be-Keter Aram Tsovah: ʿEdut Ḥadashah [New Evidence for the Pentateuch Text in the Aleppo Codex] (Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 1992), 67–71, 77–80, 90, Hebrew. The article raises the possibility that Yemenite scribes corrected the Torah’s letter-text through Masoretic notes and thereby reached a text “slightly more accurate” in a few details than Aleppo itself.
  16. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” chap. 3. MAM gives the figure as “about 127,” with one case doubtful.
  17. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” chap. 3. Its wording is that in the “overwhelming majority” of these places, the spelling in Leningrad’s main text contradicts Masoretic notes in Leningrad itself.
  18. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” chap. 3, entry for Exod 14:22. MAM gives חוֹמָה against Leningrad חֹמָה and marks the Leningrad reading as conflicting with Masoretic evidence.
  19. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” chap. 3, entry for Num 1:17. MAM records בְּשֵׁמֹת for the Yemenite tradition and בְּשֵׁמוֹת for Leningrad and the Sephardi-Ashkenazi scroll tradition.
  20. MAM, “Establishing the Text of the Torah,” chap. 3. In its discussion of the six letters for which Breuer’s general method does not independently yield a fully decisive result, MAM suggests that the problem may reflect a disagreement between traditions rather than an ordinary inattentive scribal error.
  21. MAM, “About This Edition: English Abstract.” MAM describes itself as a reader’s edition and explains that it uses formatting and reading aids not always represented systematically in the manuscripts.
  22. MAM, “About This Edition: English Abstract.” The project specifically describes local documentation for decisions involving letters, vowels, accents, and individual gaʿayot.
  23. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 64–74, esp. 68–74. Their abstract states the stronger thesis that the mature Masoretic product can be fully expressed only through an effective dataset. On Denckla’s role in sharpening the distinction between MAM as a dataset and its particular editions, see n. 25.
  24. Kadish and Denckla, “Miqra,” 73–75; Ben Denckla, “The Encoding of MAM for Sefaria,” rev. June 26, 2025; see also MAM, “About This Edition: English Abstract.” Denckla describes MAM as Sefaria’s default Tanakh text and explains the structured data used for its Sefaria implementation.
  25. Ben Denckla, personal communication to the author. Denckla emphasized that Seth (Avi) Kadish deserves credit for the great majority of the research underlying MAM, MAM’s Introduction, and their jointly authored Ḥakirah article. He described his own contribution to MAM as primarily the computer programming of roughly the past six years, including programmatic analyses that have sometimes resulted in corrections; he also identified contributions to particular topics, including the treatment of the secondary merkha in the poetic system, and to the conception of MAM as a dataset that has editions rather than merely constituting a single edition.

Question About Blank Parentheses in Electronic Texts of the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS)

If you have ever used a digital version of the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (link) in Bible software, you may have encountered words in parentheses. These often represent the קרי (qere, “read”) in the Qere/Ketiv tradition. Qere/Ketiv records a traditional distinction between what is written in the consonantal text—the כתיב (ketiv, “written”)—and what is to be read aloud. The reasons for these distinctions vary and may involve spelling, grammar, euphemism, traditional pronunciation, or textual correction. Rather than altering the consonantal ketiv, the Masoretic tradition records the qere reading through marginal notation and vocalization. In digital Hebrew texts, qere readings are often displayed in parentheses. Sometimes, however, you may encounter an empty or “blank” qere. In Accordance Bible Software(link), this may be tagged as קק or “qere blank.” Ruth 3:12 provides an example.

Screenshot illustrating the Ruth 3:12 Qere/Ketiv example and related Masoretic lists

Well, what does this mean…

In Ruth 3:12, the issue is a case of ketiv velo qere: a word is written in the consonantal text but is not to be read aloud. The BHS Masora Parva on page 1323 notes that אִם is one of eight such cases. In other words, the Masoretic note is not supplying a replacement qere for אִם; it indicates that the written word is to remain unpronounced.

Here is a picture of the Masorah Parva / Masorah Katana of the BHS on page 1323

Screenshot illustrating the Ruth 3:12 Qere/Ketiv example and related Masoretic lists

It reads:

אִם חד מן ח̇ כת̇ ולא קר̇ — “The word אִם is one of eight words that are written but not read.” Naturally, you may want to know where the other occurrences are. Accordance’s Masorah Thesaurus module(link) lists all eight instances of this “written but not read” phenomenon:

Screenshot illustrating the Ruth 3:12 Qere/Ketiv example and related Masoretic lists

The electronic Logos edition of Gérard E. Weil’s Massorah Gedolah: Manuscrit B. 19a de Léningrad (Rome: Pontificium Institutum Biblicum, 2001) also lists all eight occurrences, although in a different order:

Screenshot illustrating the Ruth 3:12 Qere/Ketiv example and related Masoretic lists

At first sight, Logos’ Massorah Gedolah may look more immediately accessible because English verse references appear alongside the material. Accordance’s Masorah Thesaurus, however, provides additional cross-references and information drawn from a wider range of Masoretic resources. For example, a search for Ruth 3:12 can return several related lists. Weil’s Massorah Gedolah, by contrast, is an edited presentation centered on the Masorah of the Leningrad Codex. The two resources therefore serve somewhat different purposes, and it is useful to have access to both.

Today’s post is a slightly edited version of an answer I wrote earlier this year on a thread in the Accordance Forums see: https://forums.accordancebible.com/topic/35879-qere-blank-in-hebrew/

Thanks for reading!

Genesis 18:22 (phenomenon)

Not everything found in Codices of Hebrew Bible nor in the printed editions of the Hebrew Bible is translated in Christian editions of the OT.

There are numerous notes, lists, and pages left by the Masoretes that are rarely if ever translated into English or any other modern language.

Common examples of this include the Masorah Ketanah, Masorah Gedolah, keri uchetiv (Qere) readings, data list at the end of each book, mikra Soferim, ittur Soferim, and the Tiqqune Soferim.

In the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (page 25 print) Genesis 18:22 is notated with two lowercase ‘a’ one before (and Avraham) ‬וְאַ֨בְרָהָ֔ם and one attached to יְהוָֽה (YHWH /usually translated as LORD)

a‬וְאַ֨בְרָהָ֔ם עֹודֶ֥נּוּ עֹמֵ֖ד לִפְנֵ֥י יְהוָֽהa‬

(a) but, Avraham still stood before YHWH (a) (Genesis 18:22)

the (a)s direct us to the apparatus or footnotes:

22 a–a Tiq soph, lect orig אברהם … ויהוה

‘Tiq soph’ tells us that we are encountering what is known as a Tiqqūn sōferīm

‘lect’ is short for ‘lectio’ (reading)

‘Orig’ is short for originalis (original)

What, the abbreviated notes from the BHS’ textual apparatus are telling us is that originally the text may have ‘theoretically’ read:”but, YHWH still stood before Avraham“. This text is one of the 18 tiqqūnēy sōferīm texts that were alleged (according to tradition) changed by the ancient scribes for theological reasons.

This begs the question: “what was the theological reason that the text was supposedly changed for”?

Some claim that this text put YHWH is less role by having YHWH stand before Avraham rather than the other around, but it, in my opinion, is more likely that the alleged Scribes were worried if read that way it would paint an anthropomorphic picture of YHWH by directly stating that YHWH was actually standing in front of Avraham. The Masoretes themselves did not make the Tiqquney Soferim changes but only noted changes they believed had happened.

However, If the Masoretes were Karaite Jews (as some claim) rather than Rabbinic Jews and they would have outright rejected the early Midrashic/oral interpretations that claimed that YHWH would eithermanifest himself personally as the Memra and or Metatron or that these were mediators or conduits with which to speak to mankind. I have no doubt that would not have not also have found the later text found in Christian canon John 8:56-58 problematic too none the less they wanted to make sure that any changes or textual phenomenon were noted.

Sources Cited:
(1) Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia: SESB Version. electronic ed. Stuttgart: German Bible Society, 2003. Print.
(2) Weil, Gérard E., K. Elliger, and W. Rudolph, Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft. Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia. 5. Aufl., rev. Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1997. Print.

Psalm chapter 23 verse 1: looking at the Masorah

Opening your Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS) to page 1105 you notice Psalm 23:1 at the bottom of the page.

Screenshot illustrating the BHS, Masorah Parva, or Masorah Magna examples discussed for Psalm 23:1

Scanning the first verse you notice the two raised circles in the verse. One above the phrase מִזְמ֥וֹר לְדָוִֽד (a Mizmor of David) and one above רֹעִ֗י (my Shepherd). The first circle alerts you to the Masorah Parva (the ancient abbreviated Masoretic reference notes on the side of the page in a codex now reproduced in the BHS). The note reads as follows ח̇ ר״פ . Recalling that Hebrew Letters can sometimes act as numbers you recognize that letter chet ח̇ is functioning as the number 8 and ר״פ abbreviation on side of it is shorthand for ראש פסוק (rosh Pasuk / head of verse). You quickly conclude that the ancient masoretes are trying to tell you that:

Psalm 23:1 contains one of 8 instances where מִזְמ֥וֹר לְדָוִֽד occurs as the first two words of a verse.

Naturally, this arouses your interest. The short Masora Parva note itself does not list the other seven occurrences. Bible software or a concordance, however, can quickly help locate them. The string מִזְמ֥וֹר לְדָוִֽד occurs repeatedly in the Hebrew Bible, and the Masoretic note indicates that it occurs at the beginning of a verse eight times.

Screenshot illustrating the BHS, Masorah Parva, or Masorah Magna examples discussed for Psalm 23:1

Now turn your attention to the second raised circle, above רֹעִ֗י (“my shepherd”). In the margin you find ה̇, he, the fifth letter of the Hebrew alphabet, functioning as the number five. This indicates that something about this particular form occurs five times. Since the word “shepherd” itself obviously occurs more frequently, the question is what precise feature the Masoretic note is recording. The BHS Masora Magna register points the reader to entry 3232 in the separate companion volume.

Screenshot illustrating the BHS, Masorah Parva, or Masorah Magna examples discussed for Psalm 23:1

Next, you can consult Gérard Emmanuel Weil‘s transcription of the Masorah Magna in the companion volume to the BHS, either in print or in Faithlife Logos Bible Software’s digital edition, as pictured below.

Screenshot illustrating the BHS, Masorah Parva, or Masorah Magna examples discussed for Psalm 23:1

Directly above the verse list, you see the note רֹעִ֗י ה̇ סימנהון telling you that these are the five times.

Now, you understand that although the lemma for Shepherd appears 167 times in 138 verses “My shepherd” in this morphological form is found only five times and thus these terms and verses are special in the scriptures. Of course a word looking the same as my shepherd but meaning my friend also occurs throughout scripture. In the pre-Masoretic text without the vowel points and accents, both ‘My friend’ and ‘My Shepherd’ would have been identical. This leads you to consider the possibility that the writer of Psalms may have had both meanings in mind.

There are many more layers of Masoretic notes, but here we have looked only briefly at two examples of one type of note. Keep in mind that this exercise has considered only the word level. Later, one might also look at the semantic, sentence, passage, and discourse levels.

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